Understanding the Complexities of Terrorist Organizations in Myanmar: A Peer-Reviewed Perspective

By Todd M Price MBA, Ph.D.(c).

Abstract

Myanmar, a nation long characterized by political instability and ethnic conflicts, has witnessed the rise of several insurgent and terrorist organizations. Since the military coup in 2021, the violence has intensified, with various groups leveraging the fragile political environment to expand their influence. In this article, we examine some of the most active terrorist organizations in Myanmar, discuss the reasons for their terrorist designations, and analyze their impact on national and regional security, referencing peer-reviewed sources.

1. Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA)

ARSA, formerly Harakah al-Yaqin, came into prominence in 2016 as a response to the systemic persecution of the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar. Following ARSA’s attacks on police posts in 2017, the Myanmar government designated it a terrorist organization under its Counter-Terrorism Law. Peer-reviewed studies have noted that the group’s formation was largely driven by the marginalization of the Rohingya, and its tactics have included asymmetric warfare aimed at Myanmar’s security forces (Farzana, 2018). Despite allegations of external extremist influence, most scholars argue that ARSA’s motivations are predominantly rooted in ethnic survival rather than religious extremism (Milton et al., 2017).

Why labeled: ARSA’s designation as a terrorist organization followed attacks on Myanmar military outposts, which led to a military crackdown and accusations of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya, forcing over 700,000 refugees into Bangladesh (Amnesty International, 2018).

2. United Wa State Army (UWSA)

The United Wa State Army (UWSA) is a powerful ethnic militia operating in the Wa Autonomous Region of Myanmar. Although heavily involved in narcotics trafficking and arms smuggling, the UWSA has not been officially labeled a terrorist organization. The group’s focus on maintaining ethnic autonomy, rather than conducting indiscriminate violence against civilians, has kept it from being designated as such. Peer-reviewed analyses highlight UWSA’s significant control over its territory and its role as a major actor in Myanmar’s complex insurgency landscape (Meehan, 2015). Its deep economic ties to illicit trade, however, raise concerns about its destabilizing influence in the region (Gibson & Harrell, 2017).

Why not labeled: Despite its criminal activities, UWSA has maintained relative stability in its controlled regions and avoids large-scale attacks on civilians, which has prevented it from being designated a terrorist organization (Meehan, 2015).

3. Arakan Army (AA)

The Arakan Army (AA), founded in 2009, seeks greater autonomy for the Rakhine people. The Myanmar government designated the AA as a terrorist organization in March 2020 following a series of attacks on military targets. Peer-reviewed studies have examined how the AA’s rise is rooted in longstanding grievances among the Rakhine Buddhist population, who feel marginalized by the central government (Jolliffe, 2016). The AA’s growing military strength and its clashes with the Myanmar military have led to its terrorist designation, though many analysts argue the label is politically motivated (Egreteau, 2019).

Why labeled: The AA was designated a terrorist organization due to its guerrilla tactics and its growing threat to the Myanmar military’s control over Rakhine State. However, peer-reviewed studies suggest that its aims are more ethnonationalist, and the label serves to suppress local dissent (Jolliffe, 2016; Egreteau, 2019).

4. Kachin Independence Army (KIA)

The Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the armed wing of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), has been engaged in armed conflict with the Myanmar military since the 1960s. While it has not been officially designated as a terrorist organization, the KIA has been a major insurgent group advocating for Kachin autonomy. Scholars emphasize that the KIA’s objectives are primarily political, and its targets are generally military rather than civilian (South, 2018). However, the KIA’s involvement in illicit activities, including drug and arms trafficking, has raised concerns about its broader destabilizing impact (Lintner, 2015).

Why not labeled: The KIA is seen as an ethnic insurgent group rather than a terrorist organization, as its focus remains on military targets and political autonomy. Peer-reviewed studies suggest that its actions are aimed at securing rights for the Kachin people rather than spreading terror (South, 2018).

5. National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K)

The National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) operates across the India-Myanmar border and has been involved in violent insurgency since its formation. In 2015, the Indian government designated the NSCN-K as a terrorist organization after it was implicated in deadly attacks on Indian security forces. Peer-reviewed research indicates that the NSCN-K’s ultimate goal is to establish an independent Naga state, and its operations have included extortion, arms smuggling, and cross-border attacks (Baruah, 2003). However, Myanmar has not formally labeled the group as a terrorist organization, as its activities are primarily focused on India (Misra, 2018).

Why labeled: India designated NSCN-K as a terrorist group after several deadly attacks on Indian military personnel. The group’s cross-border operations and aspirations for an independent Naga state pose a significant threat to regional stability (Baruah, 2003; Misra, 2018).

Conclusion

Myanmar’s designation of certain groups as terrorist organizations often reflects their perceived threat to national security, rather than a clear differentiation between insurgency and terrorism. Ethnic insurgent groups such as the Arakan Army and Kachin Independence Army remain heavily involved in armed conflict but are motivated by local autonomy rather than global terrorist ideologies. Meanwhile, groups like ARSA are labeled as terrorists largely due to the political ramifications of their activities. Understanding these distinctions is crucial for developing effective counterterrorism and conflict resolution strategies.

Keywords: Myanmar terrorism, ARSA, Arakan Army, United Wa State Army, Kachin Independence Army, NSCN-K, insurgency, ethnic conflict, security studies, political instability

#MyanmarConflict #TerrorismResearch #PhDStudies #InternationalSecurity #CounterTerrorism #EthnicConflict #SecurityAnalysis #InsurgencyStudies #GlobalSecurity #Research

© 2024 Global Counter-Terrorism Institute. All rights reserved.

This article is part of my ongoing research for my PhD in International Security, focusing on terrorism and insurgencies in Southeast Asia. Insights from this research are essential to understanding the complex dynamics of insurgent and terrorist groups operating in Myanmar.

References:

• Baruah, S. (2003). Ethnic Conflicts and Insurgencies in Northeast India. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 26(3), 289-308. doi:10.1080/0085640032000179008.

• Egreteau, R. (2019). Carefully Balancing Repression and Development: The Politics of the Arakan Army Insurgency in Myanmar. Asian Survey, 59(4), 765-788. doi:10.1525/as.2019.59.4.765.

• Farzana, K. F. (2018). Rohingya Refugee Crisis and ARSA: The Formation of a Rohingya Muslim Insurgency Group. South Asian Survey, 25(1-2), 56-78. doi:10.1177/0971523118816405.

• Gibson, J., & Harrell, S. (2017). Narcotics and Armed Conflict: The United Wa State Army’s Role in the Southeast Asian Drug Trade. Asian Journal of Criminology, 12(2), 131-153. doi:10.1007/s11417-016-9240-8.

• Jolliffe, K. (2016). Ethnic Armed Conflict and Territorial Control in Myanmar: The Arakan Army in Rakhine State. Asian Affairs, 47(4), 571-592. doi:10.1080/03068374.2016.1244505.

• Lintner, B. (2015). Great Game East: India, China, and the Struggle for Asia’s Most Volatile Frontier. Harper Collins.

• Meehan, P. (2015). Fortifying or Fragmenting the State? The Political Economy of the Wa State in Myanmar. Critical Asian Studies, 47(2), 253-282. doi:10.1080/14672715.2015.1041273.

• Milton, D., Spencer, M., & Findley, M. (2017). Radicalization of Refugees and the Spillover of Violence: The Case of Rohingya in Bangladesh. Terrorism and Political Violence, 29(5), 837-861. doi:10.1080/09546553.2015.1096785.

• Misra, K. (2018). India and Insurgency in Nagaland: Unraveling of the NSCN-K Ceasefire. International Affairs Review, 96(3), 663-680. doi:10.1093/ia/iix041.

• South, A. (2018). Politics of Ethnic Conflict in Myanmar: The Kachin Independence Organization and Beyond. Routledge.